马丁路德金，非裔美国人，出生于美国佐治亚州亚特兰大市。他是美国牧师、社会活动家、民权活动家和美国民权运动领袖。你想知道描写马丁路德金的英语作文写了什么吗？这里有一些边肖收集的关于马丁路德金的英语作文。让我们来看看！
描写马丁路德金的英语作文篇一：
Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King, Jr. was an American clergyman, activist and prominent leader in the African-American civil right movement. His main legacy was to secure progress on civil rights in the United States and he is frequently referenced as a human rights icon today.
King led the 1955 Montgomery Bus Boycott and helped found the Southern Christian Leadership Conference in 1957, serving as its first president. King's efforts led to the 1963 March on Washington, where King delivered his "I Have a Dream" speech. There, he raised public consciousness of the civil rights movement and established himself as one of the greatest orators in U.S. history.
By the time of his death in 1968, he had refocused his efforts on ending poverty and opposing the VietnamWar, both from a religious perspective.
In 1964, King became the youngest person to receive the Nobel Peace Prize for his work to end racial segregation and racial discrimination through civil disobedience and other non-violent means. He was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1977 and Congressional Gold Medal in 2004; Martin Luther King, Jr. Day was established as a U.S. national holiday in 1986.
描写马丁路德金的英语作文篇二：
MLK Holiday CelebratesLate Civil Rights Leader
马丁路德金纪念日
Martin Luther King Jr.'s rise as a civil rights leader began in 1955 when he spearheaded the drive to desegregate public buses in Montgomery, Alabama.
1955年，马丁路德金在美国南部阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利市率先发起了一场运动，该运动旨在废除公共汽车上的种族歧视规定。从那时起，马丁路德金逐步跃升为一位民权领袖。
By August 1963, Reverend King's push for equal rights had become a national movement.
道1963年8月，金牧师为争取平等权利所做的努力已经扩展成为一场全国范围的运动。
That month, more than 250,000 people took part in the March on Washington led by King,it was designed to pressure lawmakers to pass a civil rights bill that would end racial discrimination.
当时，超过25万人参加了由马丁路德金在首都华盛顿领导的游行。该游行活动旨在向立法议员施压，要求通过民权法案，结束种族歧视。
Former civil rights activist Roger Wilkins was there on the day marchers gathered in front of the Lincoln Memorial.
前民权活动家罗杰·威尔金斯当时就在林肯纪念堂外聆听马丁路德金的讲话。
"It was a glorious warm summer day in which people were rejuvenated.
威尔金斯回忆道:“那是一个温和而美好的夏日，
And just a good feeling of a country coming together.
令人精神焕发，有一种全国团结一致的美好感觉。
You really felt, I did for the first time in my life,the weight of America's conscience."
我第一次感受道美国人道心的力量。”
"I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin,but by the content of their character."
马丁路德金说:“我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格优劣来评价他们的国度里生活。”
It was these non-violent protests and his speeches that drove the civil rights movement forward,and kept the nation focused on the issue of equality.
正是这些非暴力的抗议活动和马丁路德金的讲话推动民权运动向前发展，并让全国都关注平等问题。
Dr. King won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1964,and that same year President Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act and the following year the Voting Rights Act.
马丁路德金与1964年获得诺贝尔和平奖，同年，林登·约翰逊总统签署了《民权法案》，次年，他签署了《选举法案》。
The measures outlawed racial segregation in public places and discriminatory practices that prevented blacks from voting.
这些举措取缔了公共场合的种族歧视政策，也制止了狠人不能参加选举的歧视行为。
Martin Luther King's final campaign was in Memphis, Tennessee in March and April of 1968.
1968年三四月间，在田纳西州的孟菲斯，马丁路德金领导了最后一次活动。
He led a march in support of striking sanitation workers.
他带队游行，支持环卫工人的罢工。
But the protest turned violent when young militants began looting stores.
但这场抗议活动最终由于年轻激进分子抢劫商店而演变成暴力冲突。
King was distraught and vowed to return to Memphis to lead a peaceful march.
马丁路德金焦虑万分，发誓要重返孟菲斯发起一场和平游行。
On the night of April 4, 1968 at the Lorraine Motel,King was assassinated.
1968年4月4日，马丁路德金在洛林汽车旅馆被人暗杀。
Forty years later,King's life is celebrated with many of his dreams realized,including the election of Barack Obama as the nation's first African American president.
40年后的今天，令人欣慰的是马丁路德金的许多梦想都得以实现，包括奥巴马成功当选为第一位非洲裔美国总统。
描写马丁路德金的英语作文篇三：
Martin Luther King
马丁·路德·金
Martin Luther King was born on January 15, 1929 in Atlanta, Georgia. His father was the minister of the Ebenezer Baptist Church, as was his father before him "M.L," as he was called, lived with his parents, his sister and brother in Atlanta, Ga. Their home was not far from the church his father preached and father taught their children what would become an important part of M. L.'s life-to treat all people with respect.
马丁·路德·金1929年1月15日出生于佐治亚州的亚特兰大。其父是埃比尼亚泽洗礼堂的牧师，和他父亲一样，他也被叫做“马丁·路德”，他与父母，兄妹同住在亚特兰大。他们家离父亲布道的教堂不远，同时父亲也教给了马丁·路德·金人生中重要的信条:尊重所有的人。
Martin’s father worked hard to break down the barriers between the races. His father believed African- Americans should register their complaints by voting. As M.L. grew up he found that not everyone followed his parents’principles. He noticed that "black" people and white people were treated differently. He saw that he and his white friends could not drink from the same water fountains and could not use the same restrooms.
马丁的父亲致力于消除种族隔阂。他相信美国黑人应该通过选举来表达他们的不满。当马丁长大后发现并非每个人都遵从父母的信条。他注意到“黑皮肤的”人和白人所受的对待是不同的。他看到他和他的白人朋友们不能在同一个水坛饮水并且不能共用一个厕所。
When M.L.was ready for college he decided to follow his father and become a minister. While attending the Crozer Theological Seminary in Pennsylvania he became familiar with Mahatma Gandhi, who had struggled to free the people of India from British rule by "peaceful revolution".
当马丁要上大学时，他决定像他父亲一样当一名牧师。在宾夕法尼亚克隆泽神学院上学时，他知道了圣雄甘地，了解到甘地通过“非暴力革命”的斗争将印度人民从英国统治中解放出来。
Martin Luther King's involvement with the civil rights movement began with the arrest of Mrs. Rosa Parks, was arrested for not giving a white bus rider her seat, Mrs. Parks was not the first African-American to be arrested for this "crime"，but she was well known in the Montgomery African-American community.
马丁·路德·金参与民权运动是从1955年12月1日开始的，其原因是罗莎·帕克斯夫人的被捕。帕克斯夫人是由于未给一名白人乘车者让座而被捕。帕克斯夫人已不是第一个因为这种“罪”而被捕的美国黑人了，而她在蒙哥马利的美国黑人社区中颇有名气。
Martin and the other African-American community leaders felt a protest was needed. The African-American residents of the city were asked to boycott the bus company by walking and driving instead. The United States Supreme Court would end the boycott, which lasted 381 days, by declaring that Alabama's state and local laws requiring segregation on buses were illegal. The boycott was a success and Martin had showed that peaceful mass action could bring about change.
马丁和其他美国黑人社区的领袖们感觉进行抗议势在必行。他们要求该市的美国黑人居民步行和自己驾车来抵制汽车公司。美国最高法院宣布阿拉巴马州和地方法令规定的公共汽车上的种族隔离是违法的，从而结束了这次持续了381天的抵制。马丁通过这次成功的抵制行动表明，非暴力的群众斗争能够改变现状。
文学作品翻译:马丁路德金-《我有一个梦想》汉译
Martin Luther King, Jr. – I Have a Dream
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we’ve come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we’ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God’s children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro’s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro’s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: “For Whites Only.” We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest — quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification” — one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; “and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.”
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day — this will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country ‘tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim’s pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: “Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!”
我有一个梦想
马丁·路德·金
100年前，美国的一位伟人，签署了《解放宣言》;今天，我们就站在他的纪念像前面，对成千上万在水深火热中挣扎、饱受屈辱的黑奴来说，这庄严的法令，是他们伟大的希望之灯塔，是他们凌受奴役的长夜终于破晓的欢乐之曙光。
但是，在100年后的今天，我们仍必须正视严峻的现实：黑人并没有获得自由。在100年后的今天，黑人仍然悲惨地生活在种族隔离和种族歧视的桎梏之下。在100年后的今天，黑人依旧生活在贫困的孤岛上，四周被浩瀚的物质财富的汪洋大海所包围。在100年后的今天，黑人依然被扔在美国社会的角落里任其消亡，成了自己国土上地流民。因此，我们今天在这里集会，正是为了让人们更清楚地看到这种骇人听闻的惨况。
我知道，在你们中间，有些人是历尽千辛万苦才来到这里的;有些人是刚从狭窄的牢房里释放出来的;有些人则来自一些地区，在那里，你们因追求自由而痛遭无情的暴风雨般的摧残，而警察的暴行又使你们深为惊慌不安。长期以来，你们饱尝了无穷无尽的和各种各样的苦难，成了经久考验的老战士。继续奋斗吧，你们要坚信，蒙受的不白之苦总是要偿还的!
回到密西西比去，回到亚拉巴马去，回到南卡罗来纳去，回到佐治亚去，回到路易斯安娜去，回到北方城市的贫民窟去;因为，我们坚信，目前的这种状况一定能改变，也一定要改变。我们不应在失望的深渊中逡巡不前!
朋友们，今天我要告诉你们，尽管我们当前屡遭挫折，身处逆境，我仍然有一个梦想，这是深深地根植于美国梦中的一个梦想。
我有一个梦想，有一天，我们这个国家将会起来维护并真正实践她自己的信念：“人人生而平等，此乃不言而喻之真理。”
我有一个梦想，有一天，在佐治亚州的红土山上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子将同桌而坐，畅叙兄弟的情谊。
我有一个梦想，有一天，甚至那倍受屈辱和迫害的密西西比州，也将改造成为自由和公正的绿洲。
我有一个梦想，有一天，我的四个孩子将生活在这样的国家里，在那里，判断他们的准则将不是他们的肤色，而是他们的道德品质。
今天，我有一个梦想。
我有一个梦想，有一天，亚拉巴马州的黑人男女儿童，将和白人男女儿童像兄弟姐妹一样携手并行。尽管，甚至在今天，这个州的州长还口口声声地扬言拒绝实施联邦政府的法律。
今天，我有一个梦想。
我有一个梦想，有一天，峡谷将会填高，大山将会铲低，崎岖的山乡将改造成平原，转弯抹角的地方将整顿得端正笔直。上帝的灵光将会再现，而全人类都将共睹这神圣的光轮。
这就是我们的希望，这就是我回到南方去所抱的信念。有了这种信念，我们将能在绝望之山上砍下希望之石块。有了这种信念，我们将能把我们因民族不和而发出的刺耳的噪音，改编成为一首优美的友谊交响乐。有了这种信念，我们将共同劳动，齐声祈祷，共赴患难，团结一致，为自由而并肩战斗。因为，我们深信，总有一天，我们将获得自由。
到那一天，当上帝的子孙们唱起下面这首歌的时候，就赋予了新的意义：
“魏哉吾祖国，自由幸福邦。吾歌吾赞美：祖辈存忠骨，移民之骄傲。一曲自由歌，响彻万山冈。”
如果美国想成为伟大的国家，这个理想就一定要实现。那么，让自由的歌声响彻新罕布尔巍峨的山颠!
让自由的歌声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭!
让自由的歌声响彻宾西法尼亚高高的阿勒格尼山脉!
让自由的歌声响彻科罗拉多的白雪覆盖的群山!
让自由的歌声响彻加利福尼亚美丽的山峰!
而且，还要让自由的歌声响彻佐治亚的石头山!
让自由的歌声响彻田纳西的了望山!
让自由的歌声响彻密西西比的大山小丘!
让自由的歌声响彻每一座山冈!
当我们让自由的歌声响彻云霄时，当我们让自由的歌声响彻每一座大小村庄、每一个州和每一座城市时，我们就能使自由平等的一天早日来临;到那时，上帝的后裔、白人和黑人、犹太教徒和异教徒、耶稣教徒和天主教徒，将手携手同声高唱古老的黑人《圣歌》：“自由了!终于自由了!感谢上帝，我们终于自由了!”